Pornography

Pornography production

Current situation

Is pornographic production criminalized in Sweden? The short answer is no. But to understand the legal situation, the answer needs to be elaborated on considerably.

Swedish criminal law contains provisions that could be applied to pornographic production, namely the provisions on pimping and human trafficking. The pimping provision in Section 6:12 of the Penal Code states that anyone who "promotes or improperly exploits another person's temporary sexual relations for financial gain" is guilty of pimping. There is therefore no linguistic obstacle to already applying this section to a producer of pornography, but there are few court cases where pornography production has been tried in relation to procuring.

One such case is a court of appeal case (RH 2013:18) in which a man was first involved in a woman recording pornographic films and then began to organize her selling sex. In their text message conversation, they talked about both recording pornographic films and him arranging sex for payment "without a camera." He suggested prices, posted ads on Adoos and the "pink pages," and discussed posting links to pornographic films she had recorded as part of the marketing. The Court of Appeal examined whether his actions constituted pimping. They concluded that his actions—encouraging and organizing a woman to sell sexual services for money and receiving part of the payment—constituted promotion and improper exploitation.

This is one of the few cases where porn production (filming) is explicitly mentioned in the background and then slides into prostitution/pimping.

In another court case from 2022 (the Södertälje case), pornography production was examined in relation to the pimping clause. A woman had agreed to participate in a pornographic film to pay off a debt for a friend. She signed an agreement under the influence of alcohol and mental illness. The men in the films paid SEK 2,300 to participate. The prosecutor argued that it is not possible to enter into an agreement and consent to have sex; rather, this must be decided on a case-by-case basis. The porn producer was convicted in district court for rape and pimping. But the court of appeals ruled that there was an agreement and that the purpose was to make a film, not to promote prostitution. This is what the ruling says.

The fact that Tomas Fu and the plaintiff traveled to Lars Kongstad's place of residence in Uddevalla, Lars Kongstad's statements about Tomas Fu's desire to create good conditions for filming, and Lars Kongstad's subsequent text message about himself as a movie star indicate that the purpose was to shoot a film. However, it is also clear from the evidence presented by the prosecutor that the sexual activities took place within the framework of Tomas Fu's and the plaintiff's company and that the remuneration was paid to that company. Regardless of whether the payment was intended for the production of a film or for the sexual intercourse as such, under these circumstances, it was not a case of procuring."

(Svea Court of Appeal, judgment 2022-06-15, case no. B 4927-22)

In other words, it seems difficult to obtain a conviction against a porn producer under existing legislation. However, Max Waltman, a senior lecturer in political science who has researched the area, is clear that legislation already exists that can be used to prosecute porn producers, but that it is almost never used and that Sweden is, in practice, underutilising its legal options. According to him, cases are dismissed with reference to the Freedom of Expression Act, even though it does not protect abuse in production.

If one were to consider criminalizing pornography production , one would have to take into account the far-reaching freedom of the press and freedom of expression legislation. If there is consent, the right to express oneself through, for example, images and film is very far-reaching—even protected by the constitution. Pornography is therefore legally considered a form of expression. As long as the material is not illegal in itself (e.g., child pornography, illegal depictions of violence, defamation, crimes against national security), it is protected by the constitution. So if the pornographic content does not violate a criminal provision, it cannot be prohibited.

The production, distribution, and possession of images depicting sexual abuse of children (child pornography) is already criminalized in Sweden. In order to make this possible, an exception had to be made to the protection afforded by the freedom of the press and freedom of expression laws through an amendment to the constitution. In the government public inquiry (SOU 2001:14) that preceded the bill entitled "New legislation on sexual offences" (2004/05:45), the pimping provision was discussed, as was whether it should also cover sex clubs and pornography production. The parliamentary committee behind the SOU stated the following:

"The proposed extension of the criminal provision on procuring entails such significant restrictions on the right of production and distribution that it conflicts with the constitutional freedom of establishment. A criminal provision of this kind also means that, in certain cases, criminal liability would apply to those who produce material that enjoys constitutional protection. Such a provision cannot be introduced without amendments to the Constitution. The committee has therefore refrained from proposing any new criminal provision of the kind mentioned in the directives."

However, even though pornography production per se is not criminalized in Sweden, it is of course possible to prosecute a number of acts already today. Human trafficking, for example, involves the exploitation of a person. One way to exploit someone is to force or unduly coerce them into participating in the production of pornography. It is therefore entirely conceivable that someone could be convicted of human trafficking in connection with the production of pornography—provided that the other requirements for human trafficking are also met.

It is also possible that a producer of pornography could be prosecuted for incitement or aiding and abetting rape or sexual coercion if it were found that consent was lacking from a person who participated in the production.

There are currently no criminal laws governing the dissemination/distribution of pornography (except in the case of images of child sexual abuse). However, it is prohibited to display or show pornographic images in public places, or to send pornographic material to someone who has not requested it (Section 16:11 of the Swedish Penal Code). What the latter provision actually means, at a time when violent pornography is just a click away on virtually every child's mobile phone, is open to debate.

In line with previous international studies, Talita's studies show that many women used in pornography come from the same marginalized backgrounds as women in prostitution. Given this, and considering that pornography production itself can lead to significant psychological and physical harm comparable to the harm women experience in prostitution, it is illogical that pornography production is not regulated.

That said, the problem is that current legislation leaves too much room for interpretation, as evidenced by the lack of enforcement of the pimping and human trafficking provisions against pornography producers to date.

Between 2015 and 2022, Talita lobbied for the Swedish government to appoint a state commission to investigate the harmful effects of pornography. In June 2022, an inquiry was appointed with the task of mapping the state of knowledge about adults who have been subjected to violence or other abuse in the production or distribution of pornography, and to propose measures to ensure that those who have been subjected to such abuse receive protection, support, and care. In the fall of 2023, the inquiry presented its findings in the report SOU 2023:98. One of the most important conclusions was that Sweden needs to ensure that support and care for people exposed to the production/distribution of pornography is available and accessible to those in need.

In parallel with the above-mentioned inquiry, another inquiry (Ut ur utsatthet, Out of Vulnerability) was also appointed to look into exit programs for children and adults who have been exploited in prostitution. It also presented its report (SOU 2023:97) in the fall of 2023. One of the most important proposals was that specialized low-threshold services should be introduced for vulnerable people throughout the country.

The government has so far "responded" to the reports through government decision A2025/00637, which means that the Gender Equality Authority, the National Board of Health and Welfare, the county administrative boards, and the Swedish Agency for Health Technology Assessment and Assessment of Social Services (SBU) are tasked with preparing structures for exit programs and support for people vulnerable to prostitution and pornography, and a small amount of money (approximately 3 million in total) is allocated for this work in 2025. The results are to be reported in interim reports in 2026, 2027, and 2029.

In conclusion, it can be said that Sweden has taken steps to provide support to people who are exploited in prostitution and pornography, but no investigation has been appointed to review the possibilities of regulating pornography production.

Ban on digital sex purchases

On July 1, 2025, an extension of BrB Chapter 6, Sections 11 and 12, i.e., the purchase of sexual acts and procuring, came into force. The extension means that criminal liability also applies to the purchase of sexual acts and procuring carried out remotely.

It could be said that, with this change in the law, Sweden is criminalizing a certain type of pornography production, but the prerequisite for a person who pays for pornographic images and films to be convicted of a crime is that there is a causal link. The perpetrator must have persuaded the other person to perform or tolerate a sexual act in exchange for payment. In other words, "ordinary" pornography falls outside the scope of application, since the purpose of such production is not to show a sexual act only to the person who pays, but rather to "create a depiction that is to be made available to the public in some way" (quote taken from the report SOU 2023:80).

In its response to the report (SOU 2023:80) that preceded the bill, Lund University pointed out that the legislation risked being inconsistent with regard to the criminalization of sexual acts in exchange for payment. They wrote the following:

"The proposal would mean that certain types of pornography production—specifically, digital pornography produced on demand—would be criminalized, even though it is difficult to see how this type of production would be more harmful than other types of sex for money that are currently permitted, such as the production of pornography."

Source: Lund University, Ref. No. V2023/3116, p. 4.

The Jönköping District Court was also hesitant in its response: "The expansion of Section 11 further blurs the line between what is criminalized, such as the purchase of sexual acts, and what is protected by the constitution in the form of pornography production. A question for the legislator is how much broader the criminalized area can become before there is reason to review the constitutional protection of pornography production." (source: Jönköping District Court, Dnr Ju2023/02590 p. 2.)

The investigation discussed whether the proposed extension would infringe on freedom of expression, and the conclusion reached was that this was not the case. The reasoning was that the criminalization is not directed at the image material itself, which could still be possessed and distributed. Instead, the criminalization focuses on how the material is obtained. The extension of criminal liability for the purchase of sexual acts and procuring to also apply to remote transactions thus meant that the method of acquisition was criminalized, which does not violate the constitution.

In Talita's response to the report, we stated the following:

Talita's solid experience in offering support to women in prostitution, in all its forms, has clearly shown that commercial pornography cannot be distinguished from other types of prostitution. It is documented prostitution where sexual acts are performed in exchange for payment, with the difference that a camera documents the purchase of sex. Our research and experience show that the path into pornography is often the same as into prostitution, characterized by abuse, poverty, and psychosocial problems. The consequences of prostitution are deeply serious for those affected, regardless of whether it takes place in front of a camera or not, and include PTSD, chronic illness, dissociation, and more. However, the trauma that arises when one's prostitution is documented and disseminated can be even more devastating, as the material becomes permanently available on the internet. These experiences are confirmed by both Swedish and international research, exemplified by the report 'Sexually exploited for pornographic purposes', SOU 2023:98.

The latest research report, 'Invisible Victims', produced by researchers at Marie Cederschiöld University College on behalf of the aforementioned investigation, concludes that the harm and seriousness of sexual acts in exchange for compensation are comparable, regardless of whether the acts are digital or physical. The study emphasizes the importance of treating sexual exploitation on digital platforms with the same seriousness as physical sex purchases, to ensure that all victims receive adequate protection.

We at Talita are grateful that the inquiry has identified and acknowledged this need. We welcome the proposals that clarify the definition of sex purchase and thereby broaden the scope of the Sex Purchase Act. Our research and practical experience support the conclusion that remote sex purchases have consequences comparable to those of physical sex purchases. In addition, the spread of documented prostitution online causes permanent damage because the material always remains available and victims fear being recognized and stigmatized.

The inquiry's proposal to extend the legal regulation of 'purchasing sexual services' to also include acts performed remotely is an important step in ensuring that society's protection, support, and care covers all victims of crime, regardless of where the crime was committed, whether the crime was documented, and whether it was disseminated. However, we strongly question the inquiry's distinction between what is referred to as 'traditional pornography production' and remote-based sex purchases. Our response to the consultation points out how this distinction favors the interests of porn producers over those of victims, even though producers have a dual role as both buyers and pimps, where they first pay for sexual acts and then make money from the documented sex purchase.

Exempting pornographic material produced for the general public, rather than for individual buyers, from criminal liability does not take into account the testimony of victims and survivors that the most traumatic aspect of their paid sexual acts being documented is precisely that it is disseminated to the general public. Furthermore, we question the proposal that subscriptions to sites such as OnlyFans should be exempt from criminal liability. We urge policymakers to critically reevaluate these conclusions and proposals to ensure that the Sex Purchase Act covers all types of paid sexual acts, that perpetrators are held accountable, and that all victims of sexual violence and exploitation receive the protection they need.

Possible ways forward
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Criminalize pornography as content

Pornography is defined in law as sexually explicit depictions, which in itself is not illegal.

The legislator takes a completely different view of child pornography (i.e., images of child abuse) and adult pornography. Adult pornography is considered to be a form of expression protected by the material scope of the Freedom of the Press Act/Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression.

Child pornography, on the other hand, is not considered to be a form of expression that the Freedom of the Press Act/Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression aims to protect. This is due to the interest of protection: the child's integrity and sexual autonomy outweigh freedom of expression. The state considers that any depiction or dissemination of children in sexual situations is abuse in itself, regardless of whether the child has "consented" or not. Therefore, production and possession are also criminalized.

Adult pornography, on the other hand, is protected by freedom of expression (TF/YGL) and by the right of sexual self-determination of adult individuals. The state does not consider itself to have a general basis for prohibiting sexually explicit material between adults as long as it is voluntary and within the framework of the law.

To completely ban pornography, one would need to:

1. Add pornography to the list of crimes in Chapter 7, Section 4 of the Freedom of the Press Act and the Freedom of Expression Act (where child pornography is already included), or
2. Limit the material scope of application so that pornography is no longer covered by constitutional protection.

If the Constitution is amended (in any of the ways mentioned above), the Riksdag can then enact a regular law in the Penal Code that criminalizes the production of adult pornography—for example, by introducing a new offense, such as"pornography production offense." That law would then need to define:

1. What is meant by pornography
2. What actions are prohibited (production, distribution, possession)
3. What exceptions apply (e.g., artistic expression)

It is legally difficult to draw boundaries between what constitutes eroticism, art, sex education, and feature films on the one hand, and what constitutes pornography on the other—and boundaries are necessary if one does not want to introduce a total ban on all sexual material. Countries that have a total ban are exclusively countries where religion or "public morality" is given strong legal weight (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Afghanistan, China, Pakistan, etc.).

Sweden is bound by the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which has been law in Sweden since 1995. Freedom of expression is protected in Article 10. A ban on adult pornography would therefore violate the ECHR, unless it could be shown that: 1) The ban is necessary in a democratic society, 2) It is necessary to protect, for example, morals, health, or the rights of others (Article 10.2). However, the European Court of Human Rights has not yet accepted general bans on adult pornography—only on child pornography or pornography involving coercion, violence, or non-consent.

Conclusion

A total ban on pornography, i.e., prohibiting all sexually explicit material as a phenomenon, is nearly impossible for several reasons:

1. Freedom of expression, which is protected by the constitution, must be restricted.
2. It is legally difficult to define pornography as opposed to art, erotica, education
3. The Internet makes total censorship technically almost impossible
4. International conventions protect the right to receive and disseminate information

Criminalize exploitation in production

Banning pornography as a category requires content assessments that many say are essentially impossible for a constitutional state to carry out, but it is entirely possible to criminalize exploitation in pornographic production.

1. Make it a criminal offense to pay someone to participate in pornographic production when that person is in a vulnerable situation. Examples: dependency, financial vulnerability, addiction, debt, mental illness, disability, migration, previous exposure to violence. This is fully compatible with TF/YGL as it targets the exploitative relationship, not the content.

2. Introduce a new crime: "pornographic exploitation of adults." Wording: "Anyone who improperly promotes or financially exploits someone performing sexual acts in exchange for compensation to be documented or distributed is guilty of pornographic exploitation." This criminalizes: porn studios, OnlyFans recruitment, exploitative management activities, trafficking-like conditions, etc.

3. Make the acquisition and distribution of exploitative pornography illegal (in the same way as receiving stolen goods). This targets the actions, not the content.

More options

4. Make the platforms accountable. Today, porn sites often hide behind the fact that they are "just platforms." If strict accountability were introduced, anyone providing a platform where pornography appears would be legally responsible for the material. High penalties could be imposed per video/image distributed, and domains, servers, and profits could also be confiscated. Major players would likely remove all pornographic content to avoid the risk of financial disaster.

5. Cut off the flow of money. Without money, many businesses will die. You could:

• Prohibit credit card companies, banks, and payment services from processing transactions to pornographic websites.
• Prohibit advertising for pornographic services, even when concealed through affiliates.
• Make it a criminal offense to sell hosting to porn sites, manage payment solutions, and act as an advertising agency/marketer for porn.

In this way, the porn industry would become about as "financially toxic" as, for example, money laundering or sanctioned activities.

6. Strengthen women's legal rights. If we know that participation is harmful, the law can side entirely with the participant, for example through a statutory "right of withdrawal," i.e., the right to revoke consent at any time and an obligation for platforms to remove the material. High damages could also be imposed on producers, platforms, and any intermediaries.

7. International cooperation. Pornography knows no borders, so one country is not enough. An international convention against pornographic exploitation could be developed, similar to the one against human trafficking. Another approach could be to create shared databases/hashing systems (such as those used against documented sexual abuse of children) to quickly identify and remove pornographic material.

Explicitly criminalize commercial pornography production as pimping

8. Pimping is already illegal – even if someone “consents.” The Pimping Act (Penal Code, Chapter 6, Sections 12–13) makes it illegal to promote, facilitate, organize, profit from, or provide premises for someone to sell sexual services. This applies even when the person says they are doing so voluntarily. The law does not protect the free market – it protects the vulnerable person. This means that Swedish law already accepts that the commercialization of other people's sexuality is harmful in itself. It is this logic that we believe should be applied to pornographic production.

So what happens if porn production is criminalized as pimping? In practice, one would say:

“Organizing, producing, filming, distributing, and profiting from pornographic content in which someone participates is exploiting that person's sexuality.”

It would therefore not be a violation of content (freedom of expression), but a violation of exploitation (such as pimping). For this to become a reality, all that is required is an amendment to the Penal Code, something like this:

“Anyone who produces or provides pornographic images or films of another person for profit shall be convicted of sexual exploitation.”

Why is this compatible with freedom of expression? Because the Freedom of the Press Act protects publication, not the process behind production. However, what cannot be done without a constitutional amendment is to completely ban all pornographic material (content ban), prohibit private individuals from making sexual films of themselves, and prohibit people from viewing erotic sexualized images in general.

Pornography conceals violence and exploitation

Pornography has long been described as "just fantasy" and "entertainment." But at Talita, we encounter a different reality: women whose bodies and boundaries have been exploited—and who then have to live with the consequences, often in silence and solitude.

That is why Talita has been clear that the debate needs to shift focus. Instead of focusing almost exclusively on consumption, we need to start with those who are exposed. This is also the starting point for our research director Meghan Donevan's research, which highlights people who have been filmed themselves. When we take their stories, health, and living conditions seriously, a picture emerges that differs greatly from the one often painted by the industry. What is called "pornography" is about repeated victimization, violence, exploitation—and about damage that can linger long after the filming is over.

Meghan's research has also contributed to a government inquiry into protection, support, and care for people who have been victimized in connection with pornography production and distribution. It clearly shows that people who are filmed in commercial pornography belong to a highly vulnerable group, and that many of them are victims of crime who have long fallen between the cracks. Paradoxically, they become "visible" to many online, but invisible as victims of crime – in terms of treatment, care, support measures and the legal system.

Meghan's research combines quantitative and qualitative methods to understand what "pornography" means in practice for those who are filmed, the path into exploitation, and the consequences. The studies have been conducted in collaboration with several actors, which has made it possible to reach people with very different experiences. Her quantitative study involved 120 adults in Sweden who had been documented in commercial pornography (88% women). The participants answered questions about their background, experiences, and health and completed established assessment scales, including for PTSD and dissociation. The qualitative articles are based on in-depth interviews with 28 of these participants, in which they—after completing the questionnaires—also talked about their lives and their path into pornography.

Paths to exploitation

One of the most obvious patterns in the material is that those who end up in pornography come from a childhood marked by violence, neglect, and systematic betrayal. Virtually all (96%) of the participants in the quantitative material had already been subjected to at least one form of abuse as children: 88% reported sexual abuse, 90% psychological violence, and 79% physical abuse.

For many, exploitation began at an early age. The material highlights that 77% were exploited for pornographic purposes as children. The stories further showed how pornography was either part of or an extension of the violence and betrayal they had experienced long before they were lured into the sex trade. 
A recurring experience was also that they never received help to process what they had been through, despite clear signs that they were not well. When support and trauma care were not provided, it became the beginning of a spiral of continued vulnerability, where survival—financial, physical, and psychological—became the central driving force. 

Several described how “self-produced” pornography became an attempt to regain some form of control after having been controlled and exploited for a long time. But the same basic feeling recurs in the stories: that they lived in a world where they had learned that men take what they want – and that their bodies can be used, pressured and exploited.

Vulnerability in connection with pornography production

The studies show that many experience violence and control directly related to being filmed. In the quantitative study, participants reported, among other things, rape (65%), physical abuse (56%), and control by a third party (56%), i.e., a pimp or human trafficker.

Almost all (86%) had experience of “conventional” (offline) prostitution, and many had been filmed while being exploited in prostitution. For them, these were not two separate worlds. It was the same market, the same buyers, and the same power dynamics, just in different formats.

The stories clearly show how commercial pornography cannot be separated from prostitution. The pattern is familiar: the acts are not performed based on the person's own desire and sexuality—on the contrary, it is about having to shut down and distance oneself as much as possible through dissociation, substances, and other survival strategies. Regardless of the form of prostitution, it is clear that women are forced to play a role in order to fulfill the buyer's fantasy—all of them described the buyers as unsympathetic men who exploit the vulnerability of others for their own pleasure.

Digital dissemination and online violence

Even when the act itself resembles offline prostitution, the documentation and dissemination mean that the victimization can continue—sometimes for the rest of their life. The material can be re-uploaded, copied, shared, appear on new sites, and be used by others without the person's control. The "immortality" created by the internet becomes a constant source of fear for many.

In the quantitative material, participants described extensive online violence. Fifty-seven percent reported being subjected to online harassment, 36% to doxing (the dissemination of personal information), 43% to sextortion (sexual blackmail), and 42% to stalking. Two-thirds also described ongoing stress about the material remaining online forever.

The interviews reveal a recurring theme: a constant fear of being recognized, and a sense of shame that others may misinterpret their involvement as voluntary. This shame is particularly heavy because pornography in our culture is often associated with "voluntariness," while their reality has been one of vulnerability, pressure, and violence. The documentation means that what has happened can continue to cause harm long after the person has tried to leave. For many, it becomes a lifelong fear of recognition, blackmail, and the feeling of never being free.

Serious consequences for mental health

The consequences of prolonged and repeated violence are also evident in the participants' health. In the study, 84% met the criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and 60% had clinically significant dissociative symptoms. 69% had attempted suicide at least once. 80% had received at least one psychiatric diagnosis (in some cases up to nine), and 45% had been diagnosed with a disability, most commonly autism or ADHD.

Overall, research points to a reality where pornography is not about sex, but about exploitation. It is about people who have been betrayed and victimized early in life—and who then end up in an industry where their vulnerability is used for the gain of others. And because it is documented and disseminated, the damage follows them even when they try to escape.

What does society need to do?

Much needs to be done to ensure that these victims—who, paradoxically, may be visible to many but invisible to the protection systems—receive the protection, support, and care to which they are entitled. There is a pressing need for early intervention to protect children at risk of abuse and to identify those who have already been subjected to sexual violence. This involves, among other things, better detection and screening in schools, healthcare, and social services, and an approach based on trauma rather than shame and mistrust.

Those who have been victimized also need to be referred to specialized units that can offer trauma care and long-term support. But perhaps most important of all is a societal awakening: that we stop treating pornography as an exception to what we otherwise know about prostitution, violence, and power. Those who are filmed must be recognized as victims of crime and as human beings with inherent value.

In order to truly recognize them as victims of crime, society must also take digital sexual crimes as seriously as those committed physically. That is why the law on digital sex purchases is so important. It makes it clear that sexual acts in exchange for payment do not cease to be sex purchases just because they take place on screen – and it helps us to reduce the gap where exploitation has been able to hide behind the word "pornography".

Links

Donevan, M., Jonsson, L. S., & Svedin, C. G. (2025). The experience of individuals filmed for pornography production: a history of continuous polyvictimization and ongoing mental health challenges. Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 79(2), 156–165. https://doi.org/10.1080/08039488.2025.2464634

Donevan, M., Svedin, C. G., Dennhag, I., & Jonsson, L. S. (2025). Behind the Illusion: Unmasking the Coercion in Pornography Production. Violence Against Women, https://doi.org/10.1177/10778012251319300

Donevan M. (2025). Exposing pornography's true nature: A conceptual framework. Women's Studies International Forum, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2024.103029

Donevan, M., Jonsson , L., & Svedin, C. G. (2023). Invisible victims of crime – Interview study among people who have been filmed or photographed for pornographic production. Stockholm : Marie Cederschiöld University.https://esh.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1819066&dswid=7641
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Other research: ‍

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Reports

Donevan, M. (2019). If you're not seen, you don't exist – an insight into the Swedish porn industry. Stockholm: Talita.
https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5dca82ba9193d035ec4bb598/642c7292131dd647982c7c26_Rapport_synsmaninte_finnsmaninte_SV.pdf

Donevan, M., Jonsson, L., & Svedin, C. G. (2023). Invisible victims of crime: Interview study among people who have been filmed or photographed for pornographic production. https://esh.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1819066&dswid=1202

So, L., Marshall, A. R. C., Ilie, L., & Szep, J. (2024). Enslaved on OnlyFans: Women describe lives of isolation, torment, and sexual servitude. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/onlyfans-sex-trafficking/

Swedish Ministry of Employment. (2023). Sexual exploitation for pornographic purposes: vulnerability that needs to be made visible (SOU 2023:97). Swedish government offices. https://www.regeringen.se/rattsliga-dokument/statens-offentliga-utredningar/2023/12/sou-202398/

Waltman, M. (2016). Demand: Pornography and men's violence against women. In Pornography and prostitution: A report on pornography, prostitution, and men's violence against women (pp. 31–106). Unizon. https://www.unizonjourer.se/aktuellt/rapporter/unizons-rapport-om-porr-och-prostitution/

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Research articles
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Bridges, A. J., Wosnitzer, R., Scharrer, E., Sun, C., & Liberman, R. (2010). Aggression and sexual behavior in best-selling pornography videos: A content analysis update. Violence Against Women, 16(10), 1065–1085. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077801210382866

Donevan M. (2025). Exposing pornography's true nature: A conceptual framework. Women's Studies International Forum, 109, 103029. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2024.103029‍

Donevan, M., Svedin, C. G., Dennhag, I., & Jonsson, L. S. (2025). Behind the Illusion: Unmasking the Coercion in Pornography Production. Violence Against Women, https://doi.org/10.1177/10778012251319300‍

Donevan, M., Jonsson, L. S., & Svedin, C. G. (2025). The experience of individuals filmed for pornography production: a history of continuous polyvictimization and ongoing mental health challenges. Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 79(2), 156–165. https://doi.org/10.1080/08039488.2025.2464634

Donevan, M. (2021). “In This Industry, You’re No Longer Human”: An Exploratory Study of Women’s Experiences in Pornography Production in Sweden. Dignity: A Journal of Analysis of Exploitation and Violence, 6(3). https://doi.org/10.23860/dignity.2021.06.03.01

El-Khoury Lesueur, F. E. K., Héroin, V., & Fareng, M. (2024). Mental health and perceived consequences in a clinical sample of women featured in video-based pornography. European Journal of Trauma & Dissociation, 8(4), 100482. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejtd.2024.100482

Gewirtz-Meydan, A., Walsh, W., Wolak, J., & Finkelhor, D. (2018). The complex experience of child pornography survivors. Child Abuse and Neglect, 80, 238–248. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2018.03.031‍

Grudzen, C. R., Meeker, D., Torres, J. M., Du, Q., Morrison, R. S., Andersen, R. M., & Gelberg, L. (2011). Comparison of the mental health of female adult film performers and other young women in California. Psychiatric Services, 62(6), 639–645. https://doi.org/10.1176/ps.62.6.pss6206_0639

Grudzen, C. R., Ryan, G., Margold, W., Torres, J., & Gelberg, L. (2009). Pathways to health risk exposure in adult film performers. Journal of Urban Health, 86(1), 67–78. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-008-9309-4

Jonsson, L., Göran Svedin, C., & M. Hyden. (2014). Young women selling sex online – narratives on regulating feelings. Adolescent Health, Medicine and Therapeutics, 6, 17-27. https://doi.org/10.2147/AHMT.S77324

Tyler, M. (2015). Harms of Production: Theorizing Pornography as a Form of Prostitution. Women's Studies International Forum, 48, 114-123.

Vera-gray, F., Mcglynn, C., Kureshi, I., & Butterby, K. (2021). Sexual violence as a sexual script in mainstream online pornography. British Journal of Criminology, April, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azab035‍

Whisnant, R. (2016). Pornography, humiliation, and consent. Sexualization, Media, & Society, https://doi.org/10.1177/2374623816662876

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Books
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Purcell, N. (2012). Violence and the pornographic imaginary: The politics of sex, gender, and aggression in hardcore pornography. Routledge.

Rung, N. (Ed.). (2021). The Big Book of Porn: A book about porn and its impact on the brain, heart, and behavior. Rebel Books

Waltman, M. (2021). Pornography: The Politics of Legal Challenges. Oxford University Press.